Who�s
Kidding Who?
How can I
use my interpretation of the story of gifts and talents to help children
interpret their own?
Gary Williams� Gifts and
Talents in Education MA Unit, University of Bath. Submitted 26th January 2010
If
interpreting was left up to me
I�d
swear every time
That
the version aint mine
That�s
why it�s called history – Gil Scott Heron
Abstract
In
my last module I argued (Williams, 2010) that teachers should research their
personal stories narratively in an attempt to
�remember� themselves and come to new understandings or meanings for their
story. I also expressed my
agreement with Clandinin and Murphy�s claim (2009)
that research texts need to arrive at an understanding of �experiences as
�storied� phenomena within social, cultural, institutional and linguistic
narratives� and support for Baron Coulter and Smith�s (2009) focus on
�narrative researchers as witnesses of injustice and agents of social change�.
In light of this, I want to use this module to examine the story of gifted and
talented education in order to �revise� established notions or practice and
attempt a re-visioning of the narrative that �looks again� at socially just
education by asking:
False
Premises and Empty Promises – the social story
For some time now schools
have been expected to identify and develop gifted and talented pupils in all
curriculum areas. Through this scheme, the Government aimed to bring about a
�culture shift� towards an education system in which excellence and outstanding
achievement were identified, developed and celebrated.
Implicit within this
stated aim was an attempt to deflect a predictable charge:
�The
idea that all children had the same rights to develop their abilities led too
easily to the doctrine that all had the same ability. The pursuit of excellence
was too often equated with elitism� (DFEE, 1997, p. 11).
This difficult balancing
act of articulating a vision of schooling in which high ability was celebrated
and supported, whilst deflecting accusations of elitism has become a running
theme in advocacy statements from politicians and their agencies. Indeed, a defence against charges of
inequality or injustice was written into the opening chapter of the �English
Model� when Tony Blair first spelt out his vision of gifted and talented
education:
�We
believe that people should be able to rise by their talents, not by their birth
or advantages of privilege. We
understand that people are not all born into equal circumstances,
so one role of state education is to open up opportunities for all, regardless
of their background. This means we
need to provide high standards of basics for all, but also recognise the
different abilities of different children, and tailor education to meet their
needs and develop their potential.� (Tony Blair, 1996, cited in Eyre, 2004)
The strategies and
initiatives that have followed this statement offer, or appear to offer, a
co-ordinated approach to the support of the �most able� pupils from all
backgrounds so that they can achieve their �potential.� Implicit in this ambition is
recognition that some pupils face obstacles to their development through no
fault of their own whilst the more fortunate circumstances of others present
them with a �clear run.� Inevitable charges of elitism fail to credit what, I
think, is a genuine desire to improve the educational opportunity of socially
disadvantaged pupils and �narrow the gap� by raising the performance of those
who find themselves at the bottom through accidents of circumstance. From my perspective these are laudable
ambitions and I have no desire to suggest that policy makers are �wrong� but I
do feel that the premises on which the story of gifted and talented education
has been built are themselves drawn from a much older and more ingrained
narrative that needs to be revised if we are ever to achieve the desired
ending.
White (2006) proposes that
concepts of intelligence, as expressed in England and America, and the school
curriculum are, and have been, linked at the level of policy for centuries but
that:
�If you look for sound supporting
arguments behind them, you will be disappointed. There are no solid grounds for innate differences in IQ.�( p. 1).
He goes on to suggest that the roots of the ideas can be
traced back to the radical reforms of Protestantism in the sixteenth century
and argues that the men responsible for current notions of intelligence shared
the same cultural roots and affiliations:
��Galton
was the creator of the notion of intelligence which has been transmitted� No
one before him had come up with the thought that we all possess different
degrees of an ability which is intellectual, general
and limited. (p. 25).
Whilst
a narrow correlation between intelligence and IQ has been discredited, many
educators still believe that children come �hard-wired� with combinations of
multiple intelligences and, in this, they share Galton�s tradition of belief in
ability as a matter of original endowment. As White points out, the notion of predestination is a key
feature of Calvinism and carries with it a sense that �Where one will end up in
life – or after life – is wholly, or largely fixed at birth,
whether by God or by nature.� As
much as policy makers, for all the right reasons, want to clear the path
through life, there is no escaping the echo of, �puritan insistence that
individuals are called by God to discover and put to good use the gifts which
He has given them� through sheer hard work. Embedded in this line of thought, of course, is a dark flip
side: that there is no way a person destined for damnation can be saved. Which places the narrative in an even
longer narrative genealogy stretching back to biblical original sin.
Questions about the
fairness of such a situation have generally been answered in one of three ways; educational need, economic necessity or social
justice. Those who argue from an
educational perspective assert that providing different opportunities for
pupils with accelerated skills is simply a way of meeting individual needs and,
as such, is just �good teaching�.
When pressed on the subject they offer a subsidiary argument that gifted
and talented programmes offer a �laboratory� for practice that trickles down to
the whole system. Those arguing
from a political and economic perspective claim that our nation can ill afford
not to develop the �best and brightest� lest we lose our standing as a major
world power or cease to be on the cutting edge by failing to develop society�s
future leaders, champions or innovators.
This attitude was neatly summed in 2004 up by Deborah
Eyre, who headed NAGTY:
�A major reason for a dedicated educational focus on gifted and talented
pupils is their potential to play a leading role in their adult lives. If
England is to be successful in a globalised world then it will need to produce
leaders who can compete with the best� (cited in White 2006)
In
the old days we had Eton providing for both of these perspectives but times
have changed so issues of distributive justice have become the explicit
justification. The social justice perspective argues that it is only fair to
treat pupils differently, and since schools already provide differentiated
programmes for SEN pupils they should further pursue their commitment to equity
by providing similarly differentiated programmes to pupils identified as gifted
and talented. This woos a few
middle-class parents, frustrated about the fact that their child does not get
as many resources as the �less bright� children but �shows the persistence
within the culture of a certain cast of mind – the belief that one�s
children are different from the ordinary run of children�..
The old notions of belonging to an elect and of being rescued from a life of
failure are not far in the background. (White p. 142).
Each of the arguments, then, rests
fundamentality on the argument that people are just innately different and that
we have to provide something different for the innately able to achieve
personal and economic success.
Within this, however, there are yet more implicit assumptions
which, as I see them, are:
If these assumptions hold
true the policy might still hold merit but is there such a thing as giftedness
that holds within its quality the possibility of society�s future success? Is there some fair and reliable way of
singling out the pupils who possess this quality? Can we be sure that other pupils are not likely to attain
this quality? Can we reasonably guarantee that, even if all this is true and
the programme �works�, we will have succeeded in the sense that we will be
�better off�?
Answering yes to these
questions depends, to a large degree, on the extent to which one holds with the
Calvinist tradition and accepts what both Blair and Eyre take for granted: that
it is possible to identify potential.
Identifying highly able but under-achieving pupils from under-privileged
backgrounds may be a laudable ambition but just how do you identify what a
student might achieve? All you can
go on is evidence of what the student is doing or has done
(which leads you back to actual rather than potential achievement) or focus
on some supposed inherent, internal characteristics (which are also only
observable now through actual actions and activities the student engages
in). Either way, giftedness is no
miraculous window to the future and, rather than representing an objective
reality, is a social construct, a way of thinking and describing that exists in
the eyes of the definer. Decisions
about how to define the category, where to make the cut-off points and how to
discriminate between those in the category and those outside it are ethical and
political decisions that are highly influenced by beliefs and values. As we will see in the linguistic story,
things are not as cut and dried as policy makers like to imagine and even the
policy makers have been unable to agree a definition for long.
As soon as one points out
these false premises or the fact that only a small proportion (8%) of those
selected for and benefitting from the National Academy come from the poorest
areas (Campbell, 2007, p 103) one runs straight back in to the fairness and
meritocracy arguments, however.
Gifted and talented education is �fair�, comes the reply – anyone
who �scores� highly enough can get in so different treatment must also be fair. It would be un-gentlemanly, poor
sportsmanship, just �not cricket� to find fault with one�s exclusion from a
game in which one was eliminated fairly.
The trouble is, even if we
accept our dismissal, Blair�s justifiable concern to develop policies
which promote egalitarian practice and allow pupils to achieve
regardless of accidents of birth or circumstance actually results in an outcome
opposite to the one desired.
Social justice will not be advanced by a policy of simply rewarding the
talented. As Richard Bailey (2007)
has pointed out, policies designed to eradicate luck from the equation have
merely increased its significance.
Bailey tracks the relationships between luck, effort and reward where
(taking away past efforts) the difference between being talented and untalented
is taken to be a matter of luck (the equivalent of Blair�s accident of birth or
social circumstance).
Table 1: Relationships
between Luck, Effort and Rewards
|
Effort: workaholic (W) |
Effort: slacker (S) |
Luck: talented (T) |
Best off |
2 nd
Best Off |
Luck: untalented (U) |
3 rd Best Off |
Worst Off |
Being in
group T or U is attributable to luck. Being in group W or S is not. This gives a basis for how to
distribute fairly. If we assume
that differences in effort should be rewarded but differences in luck should
not we can attempt a luck-neutralising arrangement.
Table 2: Luck neutralising
distribution associated with talent and effort
Luck |
Effort |
Unadjusted Rewards |
Luck neutralising distribution of rewards |
Talented |
Workaholic |
40 |
30 |
Talented |
Slacker |
30 |
20 |
Untalented |
Workaholic |
20 |
30 |
Untalented |
Slacker |
10 |
20 |
The first and third
individuals get the same reward because they have put in the same effort
despite their different amounts of talent. The same is true of individuals 2 and 4 but individuals 1
and 3 both get a higher reward because their effort is higher.
The policy of providing
additional or enhanced opportunities for the most able turns the luck
neutralising scenario on its head and results in luck exaggeration.
Table 3: Luck exaggerating
distribution associated with talent and effort
Luck |
Effort |
Unadjusted rewards |
Luck exaggerating distribution of rewards |
Talented |
Workaholic |
40 |
45 |
Talented |
Slacker |
30 |
35 |
Untalented |
Workaholic |
20 |
15 |
Untalented |
Slacker |
10 |
5 |
In this scenario it is
talent that is rewarded rather than effort and the redistribution of rewards
favours those already benefitting from luck. In other words the consequence of gifted and talented policy
is to do precisely the reverse of what might be expected of a policy founded on
social justice. And all this is,
as yet, to say nothing about the concept of success!
What�s In A Name? - the linguistic story
If
we are not to �trust to luck� by rewarding our most able pupils differentially
how might we go about ensuring that excellence is encouraged? Although I think the premises on which
policy has been built are flawed, I do sympathise with the fundamental attitude
that all pupils should be encouraged to �make the most of themselves.� A start may be to get back to rewarding
effort but this still does not help us in the difficult business of identifying
and delivering what each individual needs. I believe a way forward might be to help each individual
define those needs for them self instead of giving them a programme or an
answer but to do that we need to explore difficult questions of
�self-definition� and individuality.
When
I was a child we had lots of names for the kids who were good at school
stuff. I am rather ashamed now to
admit that among my personal favourites were creep, swot and teacher�s
pet. More recently I have
witnessed words like geek and keener slip into children�s everyday vocabulary
and watched in horror as pupils with ability in certain areas do all they can
to hide that ability so as to �fit in� with their peers. The most common reaction to this state
of affairs, in my experience, is to blame the pupils for labelling others
negatively and attempt to raise the �self-esteem� of able pupils by convincing
them that they are �worthy� in their own right. As far as it goes, this reaction is to be applauded but it
fails to take account of a more significant perspective.
When
I was growing up the Aristotelian tradition taught me that objects and
phenomena have essence or identity: they are things in their own right and free
from contradiction in as much as they are either �this or that�. Gifted and talented programmes
perpetuate this tradition by defining children as either �this or that�,
�gifted or ungifted�. Once a child
has been classified as the gifted �this� or ungifted �that�, the
�self-defence� mechanism kicks in and they position themselves
accordingly. Those who feel the
injustice of being excluded from the �this� and defined as �that� assert their
�self� by re-defining �this� in negative terms. This forces the children the Government want to call
�identified� gifted to recognise that they are being �defined� as gifted and
make an active choice about which �self-definition� they want: do they want to
�get with the programme� by positioning themselves alongside �this� or do they
want to position themselves alongside �that� by refusing to engage with the
official story.
Things,
then, are not as simple as peer pressure being wrong because it forces gifted
pupils to construct negative self-images. To think that is to be blind to the �official
pressure� that is competing to define the selves of all pupils. The problem is not so much in the name
(gifted = good, keener = bad) as in the constant naming: the fixation on
(fixed) categories that causes us to lose sight of processes and
relationships. This is the
continuing Aristotelian �official pressure� that, in the very act of re-naming
the gifted as an act of resistance, members of �that� group demonstrate has
infected the entire system.
Limited
as the pupils� resistance is, however, it is still more productive than the
official story because it does, at least, offer an admittedly confined choice
of self. More importantly, it also
expresses recognition (re-cognition?) that there are stories competing for our
self and (in its �Whatever you say I am, I am not� attitude) begins to chip
away at the root of the problem.
This makes the pupils far more self-aware, far more self-enhancing and
far more positive in the construction of self-images or self-esteem than any
number of �hooray� words the Government or teachers want to attach to a
definition of self that has been constructed by authority figures and imposed
on an individual in the process of �identification.� Identification is not (as it is often taken by teachers to
be) a process of �spotting� someone.
It is a process of constructing an identity and, in �identifying� where
they want to position themselves, pupils are doing all they can to construct an
identity of their own. Given all
of the above, it is little wonder that well-meaning teachers fail to convince
gifted pupils to get back with the programme, ignore peer pressure and
appreciate that they are �worthy� in their own right. The programme simply doesn�t value the self as highly as the
pupils do. Gifted and ungifted
pupils alike can see this precisely because none of them are stupid.
Sadly,
for all the pretence to the contrary in other areas of Government rhetoric,
schools continue to face �official pressure� to ignore this pupil voice through
demands that they identify 5-10% of their pupil population as gifted and
talented and through measures by which Ofsted
evaluate their performance. A
quick trawl through the language of official reports, however, shows that the
official story is far from clear or consistent. The terminology in the table below is drawn from Ofsted reports or official data reports such as Raiseonline for schools I have been associated with and the
objections are my understandings of why terminology changed.
Official
terminology |
Objection |
More
able |
More
than who?
Ability to do what? |
Higher
attaining |
Introduces
a comparative measurement but says nothing about the effort involved |
High
achieving |
Shows
an appreciation of effort but doesn�t address the �standards�, �improvement�
or �deficit� agenda |
Potentially
high achieving |
Addresses
�coasting� performance but begs a question about how to judge �potential� |
More
able |
Back
where we started because, try as we might, we just can�t get away from a
belief that some people are just better than others |
This linguistic wriggling
reflects a confusion that has been at the heart of Government policy since Tony
Blair first spelt out the vision in 1996 (previously cited). We saw in the social story how efforts
to define potential rest on a fundamental(ist?) belief in a �God-given�, �Natural� ability that is
encoded in the very word �Gifted� and we meet the same old story in the
standards agenda. Even worse, it
now includes an element of �this� and �that� as success becomes a measure of
how well schools and pupils are fulfilling some sort of �standardised�
potential. But whose standards are
being used to judge? Who says that
meeting them counts as success?
And why should we assume that being successful equates to progress or
improvement? The pop singer Jarvis
Cocker said:
�The
celebrity thing is a big factor, a big myth in our society. I think it�s almost
like, without getting too pompous about it, it�s almost like something to
believe in, isn�t it, it�s like heaven, it�s like believing in going to heaven,
it�s like thinking 'God, if I get famous, everything is going to be alright'.�
(Newsnight interview with Kirsty
Wark BBC4, Oct 28th, 2005)
The pub translation
�Celebrity is the new Heaven�, I think communicates
the sentiments more pithily. The cultural phenomenon of X Factor and (more
pertinently) Britain�s Got Talent attest to the popularity of this belief
despite occasional reminders from people like Amy Winehouse
that when you get there it is a living hell. The big question surrounding names in the field of education
is; success in the name of what? Greed? Power? Vanity? I don�t
think so.
So
What�s Your View? - the personal story
In
his latest e-mail to me, Jack Whitehead points out that the abstracts to Clandinin and Murphy�s (2009) and Baron Coulter and Smith�s
(2009) research narratives, �Omit the expression of an educational researcher�s
educational responsibility to constitute their research as �educational�.� For me, something is educational if it
assists the meaning-making process and educational knowledge is the result of
reading/interpreting/inquiring into educational stories. My reading of the story of gifted and
talented education has led me to the conclusion that it is anti-educational
because it is unjust and because it deprives pupils of the right to make
meaning of their own stories by classifying selves in the process of
identification. Further, I believe
the story of gifted and talented education is part of and supportive of a much
bigger story in which wealth and privilege are justified on the grounds that
some people are �superior� to others.
Further still, its insistence on �Natural� ability is a refutation of
human/social/economic relationships and its denial of the possibility for
change is, in itself, a preservation of the status quo. The sum total, for me, is a story in
which the �gifts� are most categorically not �shared� and this makes it an
anti-educational story that, despite the best intentions of its creators, I
don�t want to share with anyone.
In
place of this anti-educational story we need to look away from traditional
notions of ability and success and stress the individual development and growth
of the self. As Heng (2003) points out,
�For too long the dominant emphasis in education
has been on achievement, on what the child is able to do rather than on who the
child really is.�
It
is high time we moved away from factory style education towards a model that
views success in the more personal terms of self-fulfilment. Paradoxically, this would not lead to a
concentration on self-centred or selfish individuals because each student would
be encouraged to examine questions of meaning and purpose as they engage in
perpetual re-shaping of the self. Self fulfilment doesn�t mean that pupils think only of
themselves or that they don�t get involved in relationships. �I� is nothing
without �we� and, as White says, �Personal fulfilment is no rival to concern
for others. If we conceive it
aright, they are inseparable.�
A self or life
centred story, as Heng demonstrates, would be
grounded in self-actualisation and value students for their uniqueness rather
than their ability to achieve standardised measures. The emphasis would
be on the �inner agenda� and the meaning-making process to produce students
with a purposeful direction. To do this we would have to encourage
children to question answers instead of expecting them to answer questions and
we would need to get away from a �this and that� mentality in order to engage
individual pupils in a personal search for meaning. Heng
goes on to point out that �Helping children discover and create their life
themes as opposed to living life scripted by society,� will not be easy but �it
is perhaps timely to consider it a moral responsibility, on our part, to guide
children in their first steps as they journey pluralistic paths of excellence
that begin and emanate not so much from without, but from within the
individual.�
To
meet that moral responsibility gifted and talented educators must ask the same
big questions of themselves that they wish to encourage in their pupils. Gifted and talented education itself
must take on a new meaning away from instrumental ends and towards ongoing
questions, driven by values, about what constitutes success. This means not
living life scripted by society and feeling that we are successful just because
we have met someone else�s �success criteria� of 50% level 5 in English or
whatever. It means deciding what
�good� or �outstanding� or �achievement� or �success� means for our self and
helping our pupils to do the same.
Strangely, if we did this, I have a strong suspicion that the policy
makers would be less, not more, likely to impose their script precisely because
we would be demonstrating that we are acting responsibly and, consequently,
could be trusted to get on with it on our own.
Derrida
(1990) coined the term �difference� to refer both to the operational difference
between terms to create meaning and to refer to the notion of infinite deferral
of total explanation, where the signifier is never directly connected to the
signified. Our pupils seem to be
instinctively aware of this when they resist the application of the signifier
�gifted�. All facts, theories and
truth claims are dependent on factors that are absent (deferred or silenced)
and, in the case of gifted and talented education, my knowledge of its
oppressive character rests with a recognition of the absent �ungifted and
untalented�. Derrida points out
that any �system� cannot be self-enclosing but must have a �surplus� which is
beyond the explanation of that system.
This, I think, is Derrida�s contribution to knowledge. I have attempted to make a start on
exploring the surplus surrounding gifted and talented education but I recognise
that to present my own interpretation as �fact� or �truth� would be to ignore
absent voices. One system cannot
be replaced with another. Instead,
amidst the rubble I have created of gifted and talented education, I hope our
beliefs and values can find a meeting place from where we can begin the
construction of a more liberated and pluralised educational story that is more
meaningful and fulfilling for ourselves and the selves of all our pupils. That,
I think, might be an educational story worth sharing.
References
Barone, T. (2009) Comments on Coulter and Smith: Narrative Researchers as Witnesses of
Injustice and Agents of Social Change? Educational
Researcher 2009 38: 591-597.
Bailey, R (2007) Talent Development and the Luck
Problem: in Sport, Ethics and Philosophy vol 1, Issue
3, Dec 2007
Blair, T (1996) cited in Eyre, D (2004) Gifted
Education: The English Model. Coventry, NAGTY
Campbell, RJ, Muijs, RD, Neelands, JGA, Robinson, W, Eyre, D, and Hewston, R (2007) The Social Origins of Students Identified
as Gifted and Talented in England; a geo-demographic analysis. Oxford Review of Education, vol 33, issue 1
Clandinin, J. D. & Murphy, M. S. (2009) Comments on
Coulter and Smith: Relational
Ontological Commitments in Narrative Research, Educational Researcher
2009 38: 598-602.
Derrida, J (1990) Writing and Difference. London: Routledge
DFEE (1977) Excellence in
Schools.
London: The Stationery Office
Heng, M A, Beyond School in
Search of Meaning: in Borland, J.
(Ed.) (2003) Rethinking Gifted Education. New York; Teachers College Press.
White, J. (2006) Intelligence, Destiny and Education:
The ideological roots of
intelligence testing. London; Routledge
Williams,
G. (2010) A View From The Field: How can my knowledge be of use to
other teachers? MA Educational Enquiry Unit, University of Bath, under
examination.